39 Years Ago Today

I remember exactly where I was on April 4, 1968. Thirty nine years ago today the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated in Memphis.

That week day, like many others in my senior year in high school, I drove to Bradlee’s Department store on the Lynnway in Lynn, MA to punch in for the evening shift earning some money before entering Boston University in the fall.

The news spread quickly that Thursday evening that King was dead. It didn’t take long to realize that my shift as a retail clerk would be different from all the others. The store quickly emptied out. Not a customer in sight all night. No need for Mr. Silverman, the shaken and somber store manager, to send me out on outside carriage control. The bullets in Memphis were enough to bring a normal business day to a halt in Lynn and most of the nation. Just five short years before I had come home from junior high on a late summer day to watch King deliver his “I Have A Dream” speech – an event that would inspire so many of us to become active in politics and protest.

There are many good remembrances of what King said and stood for on his national holiday In January every year, but not so much is being said on this anniversary of the day he died. It's worth remembering on April 4th and throughout the year why King was in Memphis on a day I will never forget.

By 1968, Rev. King was widening the concerns of his movement. In Where Do We Go From Here? King opposed a Vietnam policy that had begun to break the nation further apart. The lunchroom sit-ins and battles over accommodations and voting rights were giving way to a broader agenda. He was planning a new march on Washington – “the Poor People’s Campaign” -- when he decided to take up the cause of 1,300 Black sanitation workers in Memphis, a city of southern segregation, where the white power structure opposed the right to unionize and the Mayor vowed never to bargain in good faith in a way that would give the sanitation workers their dignity. The strike and a citywide economic boycott were a cause King knew he could not ignore.

King’s prophetic “I’ve Been to the Mountain Top” speech on the eve of the assassination is his best known from Memphis. But two weeks earlier, on March 18th, King galvanized support for strikers by saying: “So often we overlook the worth and significance of those who are not in professional jobs, or those who are not in the so-called big jobs…..One day our society will come to respect the sanitation worker if it is to survive.” Following King’s assassination, the Memphis power structure gave up its intransigence – recognizing the union, awarding pay raises and instituting merit promotions.

King’s campaign for striking sanitation workers reaffirmed his greatness at the hour of his death and resonates today in the cause of social and economic justice. That is worth remembering most from the day he died.

Adapted from New Britain Democrat e-letter 15 January 2006

Taking A Step Toward Medicare-For-All

A plan being pushed by State Senate leaders calls for immediate action that would provide health insurance coverage to 140,000 state residents, 40% of the 350,000 individuals in the state who are uninsured.

State Senate President Donald Williams (D-Brooklyn) presented his proposal to reform the health insurance system at a crowded meeting room of the Community Health Center on Thursday, March 22nd. Speaking next to a wall-size sign “Health Care Is a Right, Not a Privilege…” at the 35-year-old community-based clinic, Williams put the price of health care in Connecticut at $22 billion. He described the system as rife with inefficiencies as it denies more than 10% of residents access and under insures many others, especially the working poor.

Williams, who has represented his eastern Connecticut district since 1993 and is serving a third term as Senate President, offered a sober assessment of the challenges reformers face in moving toward universal coverage. He observed that federal action won’t come any time soon despite current legislation in the Congress and the tilting of the U.S. House to a Democratic majority.

Through the “Healthfirst Connecticut” initiative the Senate Democrats seek to move incrementally toward a single-payer “Medicare for All” plan modeled after the federal Medicare law adopted in 1965 that has brought a measure of health security to senior citizens ever since.

Governor Rell has introduced a counter proposal that promises universal coverage but does not involve any significant state investment. The Charter Oak Plan would be fee-based and would involve private insurers selling low-cost coverage to the uninsured. Critics, including Williams, say reducing Connecticut’s uninsured will require more money and a more comprehensive approach to reforming the system. The Rell “universal” health plan would reduce the number of uninsured, but by much less than the immediate actions proposed by Senator Williams.

Introduced by State Senator Don DeFronzo (D-New Britain, Williams called for the passage of 2007 legislation that will reduce the coverage gap. The forum included personal testimony on a video brought by Williams and by audience members on the difficulties of navigating the current system and being denied treatment.

The Healthfirst initiative would use existing federal and state insurance programs to provide health insurance to 140,000 persons. The proposal would expand the Connecticut HUSKY insurance program and increase income limits for eligibility under the public Medicaid and SAGA (public assistance) programs. A key component would raise the age of coverage for dependent children from 19 to 26. This would extend coverage to young adults starting out in a first job. More than 40% of Connecticut’s uninsured are between 19 and 34 years old. The plan would increase the income limit for a family of two from $19,800 to $24,420 as a means of extending HUSKY-A coverage. A combination of raising income limits and increasing Medicaid rates for providers would create more access immediately, according to Williams who put the cost of the program at $450 million, 50% of which would be funded by federal reimbursements.

"Right now, we spend hundreds of millions of dollars on direct care for the uninsured who, under the current system, end up treated in the emergency room when the problem is the most chronic and the solution is the most expensive. That has to change," Sen. Williams said. "Making an investment to keep the population--and the workforce--healthy is good for the economy. And it is the right thing for society to do."

To attain Medicare-for-all, Williams wants the state to “convene a health care panel to examine and evaluate policy alternatives that would consider “a statewide single-payer health care system.” These long-term strategies, said the Senate President, would be the basis for a universal health care program in Connecticut.

Juan Figueroa, President of the Universal Health Care Foundation of Connecticut, has praised the plan Williams shared with his New Britain audience last week, saying “the goal to create a ‘Medicare-for-all type’ health care system in Connecticut recognizes the need for aggressive reform measure that address the many pressing and complex issues facing the beleaguered health care system.” Figueroa similarly thanked the Rell administration for joining the debate but was much less enthusiastic about the GOP's fee for service initiative.

The nonprofit foundation advocates that any new health care policy be measured against five principles established by the national Institute of Medicine. According to the Institute, universal health coverage must: include everyone; is continuous and portable; is affordable to individuals especially those with limited incomes; is affordable and sustainable to society, and; enhances health and well-being.

Figueroa, whose organization puts the number of Connecticut uninsured at more than 400,000 persons has urged Williams to “move forward with all deliberate speed” by convening the panel on new strategies and reporting findings and recommendations by May prior to adjournment of the Legislature this year.

The Little Team That Could: CCSU's Blue Devils

Over the holiday semester break (December 28) I walked over to Central Connecticut State University's Detrick gymnasium from my Belvidere home to watch the Central men play Vermont in a non-conference game. The team had a sub .500 record at the time and I was amazed to count only seven players in uniform. I wondered how a basketball team so depleted would survive the season in the Northeast Conference.

The undermanned Blue Devils showed promise early in the game against their America East opponent. They pushed the ball hard off missed shots; their team play, sure-handed passing and constant team motion evoking my memories of the old and great Celtics of another era. But they were shorthanded even more than usual that night and fell to Vermont and its 15-man roster, 55-48. Little did I know that the flashes of good play I saw in a loss, dropping Central to 3-9, would be a harbinger of things to come.

On March 7, the Central men gained their third trip to the NCAA tournament since 2000. Overcoming a second half deficit of 10 points, the Blue Devils defeated Sacred Heart University in dramatic fashion. Guard Xavier Mojica (Auburn, MA, Auburn HS),the league MVP, confidently drilled a a three pointer and Forward Jemino Sobers (Scarborough, Ontario, Mother Teresa) delivered a baseline jumper to catch and pass Sacred Heart as the clock wound down for victory.

CCSU's journey toward March Madness is an improbable story of determination by a team frequently undermanned and often smaller in size than many of their opponents; a team that played through injuries and pain. From that 3-9 start in December, they finished the regular season 22-11 overall and 16-2 in their conference.

In many ways this relentless squad is a reflection of their coach, Howie Dickenman. Dickenman's basketball resume begins as a standout player for CCSU, coming to the New Britain School from Norwich Free Academy where he was coached by his father. In workmanlike fashion, he was a New Britain High assistant and gradually earned his way up the coaching ladder. There was two years as coach of Greater Hartford Community College (now Capital Community College). Assistant's jobs would follow at CCSU under longtime coach Bill Detrick and Canisius College. For 10 years Dickenman was an assistant and top recruiter at the University of Connecticut helping to build the Huskies to national prominence with Jim Calhoun.

Eleven years ago Dickenman returned to his basketball home where he has led his team to a third trip to the Division I "dance". Dickenman's passion can't be missed at any game. He relentlessly paces the sideline and his shouts can be heard across the gym. His raspy voice shows that the season takes a heavy toll on his vocal chords. The yells rarely if ever are directed at referees over a bad call. He probably couldn't stand being thrown out of a game and miss a minute of the action. Instead, his court side manner exhorts his players to excel and they usually respond to their tough but caring coach.

The Blue Devils have earned their spot in the NCAA tournament through perseverance and hard work and what one commentator called their "old school coach."

They have gained the admiration of the community and state where they play. Now, it's on to face a Division I elite team in the first round in the familiar role of the out sized and undermanned upstart. Whoever they play, however, had better be ready for this hardscrabble and unselfish group from New Britain, Connecticut.

Lieberman Is Right: Iraq Bringing On Constitutional Fight Over War Powers

New Britain area citizens will have an opportunity to express their views on U.S.-Iraq policy on Saturday, February 24th from 2 to 3:30 p.m. at South Church, 90 Main Street, New Britain, as part of a statewide network of meetings organized by Connecticut Opposes the War. In the following post, NB Politicus says it's time for Congress to go beyond nonbinding resolutions and to invoke all the provisions of the War Powers Act of 1973.

To most of his constituents Senator Joe Lieberman was wrong to join 34 other senators in blocking debate on a U.S. Senate resolution opposing the Bush Administration's troop surge in Iraq. Lieberman, John McCain and slightly more than one-third of the 100-member senate succeeded in cutting off debate on a nonbinding action that, if allowed, would have been a bipartisan vote of no confidence in Bush.

Lieberman, however, was probably right about one thing during the rare weekend Senate session. The Iraq quagmire could trigger a constitutional crisis between the executive and legislative branches that was raised 34 years ago when Congress enacted the War Powers Act of 1973.

"Whatever our opinion of this war or its conduct," Lieberman said during the floor debate, "it is in no one's interest to stumble into a debilitating confrontation between our two great branches of government over war powers. The potential for a constitutional crisis here and now is real, with congressional interventions, presidential vetoes, and Supreme Court decisions. If there was ever a moment for nonpartisan cooperation to agree on a process that will respect both our personal opinions about this war and our nation's interests over the long term, this is it."

Lieberman's view that Iraq may cause a fight over separation of powers not seen since Vietnam may be true. But his call for "nonpartisan cooperation" is another subterfuge for everyone to fall in lock step behind an administration whose actions now require maximum Congressional oversight. In acting as the "nonpartisan" cheerleader for new military escalation Lieberman said the Senate and House should not be "micro-managing" military interventions that are better left to the executive.

Lieberman's effort to head off Congressional oversight notwithstanding, the 2002 joint resolution by Congress authorizing U.S. military action in Iraq has lost its relevance, having been predicated on "weapons of mass destruction" and intelligence proven to be false or "cooked" to suit the whims of the administration. This authorization to invade Iraq and described by the White House as "consistent" with the War Powers Act led to the beginning of hostilities in March 2003 and the continuing occupation by U.S. forces amid sectarian violence and civil war.

The War Powers Act (P.L. 93-148), enacted over a presidential veto by Richard M. Nixon in 1973, provides a statutory basis for the Democratic majorities in Congress to change course in Iraq. The nonbinding resolutions just considered in the Senate and House were the beginning, not the end of the debate. While Bush,Cheney and Lieberman will argue that presidential power trumps the law, lawmakers will be able to cite Section 3 of the War Powers Act which requires that the "President in every possible instance shall consult with Congress before introducing" U.S. Armed Forces into hostilities or imminent hostilities.

The "constitutional crisis" cited by Lieberman won't stem from the "congressional interventions" that he fears, but by the recalcitrance and unilateral behavior of a White House resistant to change and indifferent to the will of the people.

The War Powers Act, crafted by Senator Frank Church of Idaho and other Vietnam era senators to curb unchecked presidential power over Vietnam, has been sustained through the years and its provisions need to be enforced to reverse the current Iraq policy. In a 2004 Congressional Research Service (CRS) analysis of the War Powers Act, Richard F.Grimmett, described the War Powers Act and its relevance to the Iraq situation:

According to the legislation, "the constitutional powers of the President as Commander-in-Chief to introduce forces into hostilities or imminent hostilities" was recognized on the condition of (1) a declaration of war, (2) specific statutory authorization, or (3) a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces."

The executive branch has contended that the President has much broader authority to use forces, including for such purposes as to rescue American citizens abroad, rescue foreign nationals where such action facilitates the rescue of U.S. citizens, protect U.S. Embassies and legations, suppress civil insurrection, implement the terms of an armistice or cease-fire involving the United States, and carry out the terms of security commitments contained in treaties. The central element of P.L. 107-243 [Iraq authorization] is the authorization for the President to use the armed forces of the United States as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to (1) defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and (2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq.

More than four years after the Congress authorized military action against Iraq, "the continuing threat posed by Iraq" rings hollow.

Congress must now assert its role under the War Powers Act to change course and end a quagmire that has been one of the most costly in lives and public dollars in American history.

Saving Local Journalism: One of New Britain's Last Journalists Returns -- Sort Of

Pat Thibodeau, a former editor and reporter at The Herald of New Britain, is the creator of a new blog about his former beat -- NB Blogs -- Thibodeau's current work and pursuits are now in Washington, D.C. where he is an editor and writer and authors a blog about D.C.

His New Britain blog is a reminder of what community journalism should be about -- asking the right questions in a nonpartisan way and focusing on topics that fulfill the ultimate task of journalism -- the public's right to know. In his recent posts about the decades-long decline of downtown's retailing (impact of Westfarms Mall) and the track record of a new developer for the Andrews Building near Arch Street, Thibodeau shows what an informed observer can bring to public and community issues.

Thibodeau's blog, bloggers in 2006's state and national political campaigns (Example: spazeboy) and sites as such New Britain Community News are a cause for optimism that the internet can bring New Britain and other localities thorough coverage and commentary that each deserves in a democracy.

Local journalism via mainsteam, corporate-owned daily newspapers has been in rapid decline for some time. The Herald of New Britain and The Hartford Courant, notwithstanding quality efforts by individual editors and reporters, do not deliver the news product they used to. That is no fault of the editorial staffs. Their budgets and the demands of absentee owners severely restrict the scope and content of the "news hole" for any one community. Corporate-owned print publications also struggle with selling the commodity of "news" via the internet. That's why the knowledge and perspective of a Pat Thibodeau are rarely found in daily coverage anymore. And why the tradition of the free press is in jeopardy at all levels, particularly locally.


Thibodeau's reporter's eye and analysis are what New Britain needs not just occasionally, but on a daily and weekly basis. But that is something even the best and most well-informed bloggers cannot provide. A town's newspaper --in the traditional sense of being the "fourth estate" -- is akin to a public utility. It comes out daily or weekly and, in the age of internet and blogging, should provide a regular filter for balanced information. You didn't make a zoning board hearing about a new development in your neighborhood? You should be able to read about what happened to know the impact it will have on you and your neighbors and what you should be doing about it.

An outstanding example of how the internet can bring community journalism back is found at the nonprofit New Haven Independent. This five-day a week online publication led by Editor Paul Bass demonstrates that the role of a local free press can succeed thanks to an accessible internet and sufficient funding. The Independent, "rooted in and devoted to the city," believes "that democracy starts at home, with smart, thorough, in-depth local news reporting and broad citizen debate about local issues. Thanks to the Internet, journalists and news-deprived citizens need no longer be hostages to out-of-state media conglomerates. We can reclaim our communities. Power of the press now belongs not to those who own one, but to those who own a modem. We own a modem."
As long as the internet remains accessible and affordable on the bandwidths of the nation, online publications like the New Haven Independent can blossom in many places, including New Britain.

Safety and The Schools: Learning Communities Will Help

Parents everywhere share a constant concern about the safety and well-being of their children. It's a mindset that rarely leaves mothers and fathers from birth, through the school years and into young adulthood. That's why recent reports of weapons and crimes against persons in the schools are so emotional and difficult. This is another moment when the well-worn phrase "it takes a village to raise a child" should guide public policy and new responses on education and safety.

The situation recalls some talks on politics I was asked to give to civics classes at New Britain High School several years ago. One student wanted to know why it was necessary to spend upwards of $250,000 on security cameras instead of money for more books, which were in short supply and a source of student complaints at the time. Years before a youth had been gunned down on the steps of the Mill Street school -- a victim of gang violence whose death shook parents and the whole community to the core. Thinking of that incident, I told the student the cameras were there (and still are) because their parents and New Britain's officialdom cared about him and his classmates. They were needed to make them safe -- a prerequisite to being able to learn. That didn't satisfy the student who still wanted to know why there weren't enough books and why the lines at the cafeteria were so long. The cameras may have been necessary but they were doing little to address the stress of too many students in one school plant -- conditions that would seem to correlate strongly with disruptive behavior. It's no wonder that New Britain residents take pride in their high school because so many of its students can succeed despite recurring resource and safety issues.

School security and the quality of education will be important if not dominant issues during the 2007 municipal election cycle. This will be a good thing so long as politicians use the campaign to propose constructive action and long-term strategies that will utilize the available funds to decrease overcrowding and increase student achievement.

Proof that education and safety in schools is on the front burner is apparent at the end of 2006:

• Police and school officials, following a meeting of the Mayor, School Superintendent, high school principal and police chief, have added a second resource officer at the high school and given students a hot line.

• The Common Council, responding to a new parent group seeking more safety measures, has created a task force to consider new responses to the school safety question. Recommendations will be offered by May.
• The state Senate is pushing the S.A.F.E. Schools initiative that will provide $15 million to school districts to address the threat of violence and disruptive behavior. The legislation appears to address many of the immediate concerns of parents and school officials by providing funds for security assessments, entry door alarms and security devices, staff training and requirements that new school construction include plans for "security infrastructures." State Senate President Don Williams, who discussed the plan with State Senator Don DeFronzo in New Britain, says that local school districts "shouldn't have to decide between smaller classes or more secure schools." At issue is whether the legislation can address school safety issues in all the cities and towns that will request state assistance next year.
• The Board of Education, prior to the start of the current school year, adopted a plan that includes the opening of a freshman academy next fall and development of an alternative education center that would enroll students who are disruptive and have a history of behavioral problems. The measures were taken to provide some relief to the burgeoning school population at the high school.

While all of these developments address the safety issue, they are really what School Board President Peter Kochol might refer to as "band aids" in terms of delivering educational services that will foster higher student achievement and help students with significant learning deficits to do better.

A new push to de-centralize the high school and develop "smaller learning communities" will require innovation and a judicious use of limited resources to improve the situation.

Positive alternatives may be found in what Kochol describes as "academy-style, inter-district magnet schools" that have been developed in cities such as New Haven and Hartford and that draw students from surrounding towns. Funded with up to 95% state assistance for construction and renovation, the magnet option may be the best approach to solving the problems in secondary education. Although many educators believe the No Child Left Behind law enacted in 2002 is seriously under funded in the federal budget, the initiative includes a grant program that addresses the issues confronting a large high school like New Britain’s . School districts, according to the U.S. Dept. of Education, receive funds on behalf of large high schools “to undertake research based strategies to develop, implement, and expand smaller learning environments.”

To some extent NBHS has employed a learning communities approach by dividing the school in houses and adjusting scheduling to accommodate so many students. But small-scale learning communities, according to the No Child Left Behind law, also may involve career academies, magnets and other “school within a school” ideas that can improve on the high school’s configuration by “creating a more personal experience for students.”

Ideally, learning communities also should involve increasing the number of adult advocates and other mentoring activities, reducing teaching loads and fostering a caring environment.

Inter-district magnets – apart from reforms instituted at the high school, can provide a range of curriculum options for New Britain students, and they provide new state funds that will expand education resources in New Britain at a time when money is needed for both safety and learning. This does not mean breaking the high school into two comprehensive and high-cost facilities at either end of towns.

Academy-style magnets at the secondary level will offer a broader range of curricular options for New Britain and suburban students at existing school facilities. Supt. Doris Kurtz' has previously resisted pursuit of a high school magnet as part of the solution to an overcrowded high school. A magnet school, by itself, is not enough but an academy drawing students from New Britain and other towns would help decentralize secondary education. A theme-based, high-quality curriculum at a smaller magnet academy need not drain resources for the high school, but create a high school alternative that can ease overcrowding and provide a good option for high school students.

State Rep, Tim O'Brien (D-24), whose comprehensive property tax relief legislation would reduce schools' reliance on the regressive property tax and promote statewide equity in education spending, is one of the leaders pushing for academy magnet schools that would bring about a "learning communities" solution.

"We must ensure that the new freshman academy does not become the end of the plan for addressing NBHS overcrowding," O'Brien wrote in his Supporting New Britain Schools blog. "That means that we need to ask for action in the coming months - from both the school system and City Hall - to get the ball rolling on a cost-effective plan for school building to alleviate the safety and educational setbacks that are caused and exacerbated by the fact that we have so many students packed into one, huge high school facility."

O'Brien's call to action offers the Mayor, Board of Education and Common Council a starting point for developing good solutions to security and an improved environment at New Britain High School.

Democratic Victory in the 5th Congressional District

Voters in New Britain resoundingly voted for a change in direction in Washington on Election Day, helping to defeat 12-term incumbent Nancy Johnson in her hometown. Democrat Chris Murphy defeated the congresswoman here 9,037 to 4,506. Murphy's strong showing was part of a Democratic sweep in the Hardware City that saw Ned Lamont decisively beat Joe Lieberman (?-CT) after Lieberman had edged Lamont in the August 8th primary won by Lamont.

The margin for Murphy was almost identical to the blowout Charlotte Koskoff handed Johnson in New Britain in 1996 when Murphy was the youthful manager of Koskoff's campaign.

That year Koskoff --- an articulate nominee who would run three times for the job --- nearly pulled off a political miracle with only token support from the national and state party. Johnson had been bruised by her chairing of a congressional ethics panel that failed to adequately investigate then House Speaker Newt Gingrich for his financial dealings and improprieties. Johnson was also hurt by GOP efforts to gut domestic programs in the federal budget as President Clinton rode easily into a second term. But Koskoff's big leads in the cities of the old 6th Congressional District gradually gave way to strong support for Johnson in the many small Republican towns of the district and Johnson eked out a 1,200 vote win.

This year Murphy didn't have to sweat a Republican surge in the towns of the Farmington Valley and Litchfield Hills. Johnson's ties to the right-wing GOP agenda and her mean-spirited attacks led not only New Britain and Meriden but most towns in the district to reject her candidacy.

From his acceptance speech last May Murphy let it be known that he would be a different kind of candidate and it served him well through the vote on November 7th. He correctly focused on Johnson's support for the Bush Iraq policy, her authorship of a lobbyist-inspired Medicare prescription drug law and her vote for a federal budget that turned its back on working and middle income families. Beyond this list of issues, Murphy also conveyed a sense of optimism and "hope" -- one of the key tasks of leadership for politicians at all levels. He defined himself and conducted himself in a positive way that made many past Johnson supporters in those suburbs change their minds and made those anti-Murphy TV spots backfire on the incumbent.

Johnson, who always managed to cultivate a "moderate" image in all her previous races, used the Republican playbook of fear and division -- a strategy that failed spectacularly.

Murphy, backed by a grassroots campaign capably led by manager Sarah Merriam and with enough financing to adequately respond to the Johnson onslaught, overcame conventional wisdom and prevailed. The victory made for a perfect symmetry between 1996 and 2006. A decade ago campaign manager Chris Murphy helped Koskoff come as close as can be to an impossible win. This year candidate Murphy finally gave New Britain Democrats and Democrats throughout the sprawling district a victory they had been seeking for the last 24 years.